Freedom of religion: outmoded?

Is Freedom of Religion as a right outmoded?

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Ruv Draba

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From a recent discussion in the Atheism and Non-Theistic Spiritual Writing forum:
Why does one need freedom of religion if one has freedom of association and expression?

I thought it was worth raising here for broader discussion.

Here's how freedom of religion appears in the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights:
Article 18.

Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.
There are numerous other clauses around religious non-descrimination elsewhere, but that's the core of it.

And for our US AWers, how it appears in the US constitution:
Amendment 1 - Freedom of Religion, Press, Expression. Ratified 12/15/1791

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.
And because the world is not just the US, here it is again in the constitution of my own country:
116. The Commonwealth shall not make any law for establishing any religion, or for imposing any religious observance, or for prohibiting the free exercise of any religion, and no religious test shall be required as a qualification for any office or public trust under the Commonwealth.

You get the gist.

So here are some 'for' arguments:
  • Historically, religious persecution has been rife. Freedom of religion is a humanitarian principle;
  • Religions are important to people and run deeper than just what we say and whom we hang with. It should be enshrined as a fundamental right;
  • If we didn't enshrine freedom of religion as a right, then it would give the state license to play favourites; and
  • If we didn't enshrine freedom of religion as a right then the state could compel whatever religion it wanted -- even if we were free to object to it.
And here are some 'against' arguments:
  • The right to worship is already covered under the right to associate and express;
  • The right to think freely is broader than the right to worship, and includes the right to worship and not to worship;
  • Religion is hazy and ambiguous. It includes worship, beliefs, traditions, taboos, and customs -- some of which may be antisocial or harmful, and some of which are inflicted on children and the vulnerable. Freedom of religion prevents groups from being fully accountable for their social behaviour and the treatment of their at-risk members;
  • Freedom of religion has been cynically exploited by self-interested groups for both profit and power;
  • Many religions themselves have proscriptions against religious freedom in their dogmas. Why then does a right protect religions that don't protect the right?;
  • There's some evidence that freedom of religion hasn't prevented states from playing favourites with religions;
  • Numerous states seem not to want freedom of religion (and perhaps none of them really do); and
  • Is there any place today where freedom of religion is still working as intended?
Over to you.
 
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Ruv Draba

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Further to this question, an excerpt from a recent Japan Times article (Apr 19, 2009):
Freedom of religion or freedom of speech?

PRINCETON N.J. — Last month, the United Nations Human Rights Council adopted a resolution condemning "defamation of religion" as a human rights violation. According to the text of the resolution, "Defamation of religion is a serious affront to human dignity" that leads to "a restriction on the freedom of [religions'] adherents."

The resolution was originally proposed by the 56-nation Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), and was put to the Human Rights Council by Pakistan. It supports that it was aimed at such things as the derogatory cartoons of the prophet Mohammad published in a Danish newspaper three years ago.

Germany opposed the resolution. Speaking on behalf of the European Union, a German spokesperson rejected the concept of "defamation of religion" as not valid in a human rights context, because human rights belonged to individuals, not to institutions or religions.

Many nongovernment organizations, both secular and religious, also opposed the resolution. Ronald Lauder, president of the World Jewish Congress, said that that body saw the resolution as weakening "the rights of individuals to express their views."

This seems like a sound argument. While attempts to stir up hatred against adherents of a religion, or to incite violence against them, may legitimately be suppressed, criticism of religion as such should not be.
While this addresses broader questions than just this topic (e.g. freedom of expression vs religious vilification), it also speaks to one of the things implicitly enshrined in freedom of religion: religious taboos. An argument that puts freedom of religion in contention with freedom of expression is simply this:

My religion is sacred to me -- more sacred than my life or liberty. If I have the right to worship and the right to my taboos then I also have the right to fight any attack on my taboos -- whether that attack comes in expression, education, legislation or individual transgressions. And in fighting any attack on my taboos I have the right to use any lawful means necessary, including pressing for legislation to curb other, infringing rights. After all, no matter how antisocial my actions may seem to others, my rights are inalienable. That's what makes them my rights.​
 

Ruv Draba

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A commentary excerpt by the Cornell University Law School on the development of the First Amendment to US constitution:
Madison’s original proposal for a bill of rights provision concerning religion read: “The civil rights of none shall be abridged on account of religious belief or worship, nor shall any national religion be established, nor shall the full and equal rights of conscience be in any manner, or on any pretence, infringed.”1 The language was altered in the House to read: “Congress shall make no law establishing religion, or to prevent the free exercise thereof, or to infringe the rights of conscience.”2 In the Senate, the section adopted read: “Congress shall make no law establishing articles of faith, or a mode of worship, or prohibiting the free exercise of religion, . . .”3

[...]

“Probably,” Story also wrote, “at the time of the adoption of the constitution and of the amendment to it, now under consideration, the general, if not the universal, sentiment in America was, that Christianity ought to receive encouragement from the state, so far as was not incompatible with the private rights of conscience, and the freedom of religious worship. An attempt to level all religions, and to make it a matter of state policy to hold all in utter indifference, would have created universal disapprobation, if not universal indignation.”8 The object, then, of the religion clauses in this view was not to prevent general governmental encouragement of religion, of Christianity, but to prevent religious persecution and to prevent a national establishment.9

This interpretation has long since been abandoned by the Court, beginning, at least, with Everson v. Board of Education,10 in which the Court, without dissent on this point, declared that the Establishment Clause forbids not only practices that “aid one religion” or “prefer one religion over another,” but as well those that “aid all religions.” Recently, in reliance on published scholarly research and original sources, Court dissenters have recurred to the argument that what the religion clauses, principally the Establishment Clause, prevent is “preferential” governmental promotion of some religions, allowing general governmental promotion of all religion in general.11 The Court has not responded, though Justice Souter in a major concurring opinion did undertake to rebut the argument and to restate the Everson position.12

The interesting thing here is that there's evidence that the original intention in the US constitution (one of the older modern legislations in which freedom of religion was enshrined) has mutated from a vision in which a State-encouraged religion created the social glue in which other religions could participate (if not dominate), to a vision in which the State has to be hands-off, and the social glue may therefore grow crumbly.

Which raises the question: is the glue growing crumbly? And should one strengthen it, or replace it? And how?
 
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citymouse

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RUV, May I suggest a modest revision of your test question?
As I read the the US Constitution the people are guaranteed Freedom Of Speech and Freedom FROM Religion, not Freedom OF Religion.

The founder's intent was to divorce religion (any religion) from governance. They knew all too well the horrors of European strife caused by religious factions and they wanted no possible repetition of those disasters here.
The result was/is the freedom to worship or not to worship without any interference from the state. The state of a person's soul is no concern to the state.

As for the glue part. The founders fully expected the glue of their new society be a "more perfect union". A union of people. No mention of a god or of a religion as the binder for that union. As it turns out we've done quite well.
C
 

Higgins

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The interesting thing here is that there's evidence that the original intention in the US constitution (one of the older modern legislations in which freedom of religion was enshrined) has mutated from a vision in which a State-encouraged religion created the social glue in which other religions could participate (if not dominate), to a vision in which the State has to be hands-off, and the social glue may therefore grow crumbly.

Which raises the question: is the glue growing crumbly? And should one strengthen it, or replace it? And how?

I think for reasonably educated people in the 21st century there is a reluctant acceptance that "Culture" has crumbled to bits and that it seems to be a good thing. I suspect the authors of the US constitution were aware of the crumbliness of culture and well aware of new modes of association that were in some respects non-cultural (eg. science and/or corporate bodies).
I've suggested from time to time that the real fiction in science fiction is the coherence of culture: hence the need for outsiders out there in "space" -- "space" and the outsiders the "completely alien" aliens are an image that suggests that there is some common human culture.
The crumbliness of culture produces other weird effects and I've described some of those in my discussions of "classical art" -- ie aspects of "culture" that are effectively set apart from whatever the "mainstream" thinks that it is (which of course it isn't if culture is crumbly).

And really, for elites, culture has been crumbly for a long time. When things can go in and out of fashion pretty quickly (as they could among the elites of the ancient world or even the elites of their barbarian neighbors), that is a sign of a certain amount of crumbliness in the cultures involved.
 
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Higgins

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I think for reasonably educated people in the 21st century there is a reluctant acceptance that "Culture" has crumbled to bits and that it seems to be a good thing.

For example, Bourdieu calls the supposed coherence of society/culture "symbolic violence"...I think he's wrong because I think most people most of the time don't really care that much about the amount of cultural coherence they see and probably often experience the incoherence as pleasurable. I suppose some ideologies propose some set of ideological evaluations that for example, postulate the coherence of their values with some imaginary socio-cultural realm and the incoherence of these values with other areas such as scientific work.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cultural_reproduction
 
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Shadow_Ferret

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RUV, May I suggest a modest revision of your test question?
As I read the the US Constitution the people are guaranteed Freedom Of Speech and Freedom FROM Religion, not Freedom OF Religion.

What? Freedom FROM religion? Um, no. It's never been FROM religion. Not sure what Amendment you're reading. The intent was to worship freely and escape religious persecution. They didn't want the creation of a state-sanctioned church.

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.
 

AMCrenshaw

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What? Freedom FROM religion? Um, no. It's never been FROM religion. Not sure what Amendment you're reading. The intent was to worship freely and escape religious persecution. They didn't want the creation of a state-sanctioned church.

Actually I share the same reading as Citymouse:

The result was/is the freedom to worship or not to worship without any interference from the state. The state of a person's soul is no concern to the state.


I think that's most accurate. The idea being that the state could never legally endorse a specific religion that would demand worship from the entire nation. Freedom from.

AMC
 

Ruv Draba

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May I suggest a modest revision of your test question?
As I read the the US Constitution the people are guaranteed Freedom Of Speech and Freedom FROM Religion, not Freedom OF Religion.
I'm not an authority on the US constitution and in fact my question extends more broadly than US jurisdiction (please note the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights that preceded my US excerpt). However, my understanding (e.g. from my reading of the Cornell Law School article) is that the intention of the US First amendment may have been somewhat different. Not conspiracy-theory different, but a different vision to the one you describe.

Meanwhile, if your view were correct then wouldn't that render the religious slogan on US currency unconstitutional? Here's an informative article from US Treasury on "In God We Trust", and below is the text of the letter in 1861 from Secretary Chase instructing the Mint at Philadelphia to change the coins:
Dear Sir:

No nation can be strong except in the strength of God, or safe except in His defense. The trust of our people in God should be declared on our national coins.


You will cause a device to be prepared without unnecessary delay with a motto expressing in the fewest and tersest words possible this national recognition.

And subsequently:
A law passed by the 84th Congress (P.L. 84-140) and approved by the President on July 30, 1956, the President approved a Joint Resolution of the 84th Congress, declaring IN GOD WE TRUST the national motto of the United States.
Freedom from religion? Individually perhaps, but a specific faith seems to be well-enshrined in US official identity. The nature of the intended glue seems fairly evident. There may not be a state-imposed religion in the US, but can anyone really claim that there's not a state-sanctioned one?

Ronald Reagan said:
Without God, there is no virtue, because there's no prompting of the conscience. Without God, we're mired in the material, that flat world that tells us only what the senses perceive. Without God, there is a coarsening of the society. And without God, democracy will not and cannot long endure.
Did this US president claim that every atheist, agnostic, pagan and shamanistic constituent was coarse, immoral and undemocratic? And if that belief is common, how might it affect civil perception of such a person's fitness for citizenship? For parental custody? Or for public office? If the enshrined national standard is one particular faith, and if failing to conform to that standard requires you to prove your basic human decency against the slurs of official commentary, then are you really free from that religion?

The founders fully expected the glue of their new society be a "more perfect union". A union of people. No mention of a god or of a religion as the binder for that union.
The Cornell Law School has a different opinion, as have holders of high office. And since the people of the US have tolerated state-sanctioned religion for over a century, presumably they broadly support it too. :)
 
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Ruv Draba

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I think for reasonably educated people in the 21st century there is a reluctant acceptance that "Culture" has crumbled to bits and that it seems to be a good thing.
I don't know whether I'm reasonably educated (I'm certainly educated, but were they reasonable about it?) but I don't believe that culture has crumbled to bits, except maybe among 'militant' postmodernists (whom I see as a funny little subculture of their own :D).

But while we're on culture, it might be worth differentiating nationhood and statehood before we go much further. The following definitions from Wikipedia:
  • a nation is a body of people who share a real or imagined common history, culture, language or ethnic origin, who typically inhabit a particular country or territory;
  • a sovereign state is a political association with effective sovereignty over a geographic area and representing a population
It's long been true that religious groups can share nationhood even when they reside in different states. Many also share nationhood regardless of ethnicity. It's also long been true that states have multiple nations represented within them.

Legally, rights are conferred by your membership of a state, not your membership of a nation. But in practically, the way we interpret rights day-to-day may depend more on our sense of nationhood than statehood.

I think we can see this difference in the Reagan quotation I put up earlier. There, I think he's speaking as the leader of a nation (a nation of American Christians), but not actually as the head of state (because what head of state can be publicly disrespectful of lawful citizens?)

I doubt that he was even aware of the difference because in his mind (and in the minds of those who changed the currency and adopted the current US national motto, and perhaps in the minds of the founders) I think he saw the USA as a de facto Christian nation-state: meaning that Christians glue the nationhood to the statehood and non-Christians are grudgingly tolerated, as long as they don't get so powerful that Christian nation-statehood gets unstuck.

But if that's the dominant view (and if we can judge from the currency, the national motto, and the oaths of public office it is) then does the US really want freedom of religion? Would it be fairer to say that what the US wants broadly is freedom of religious expression, but not the freedom of non-Christian beliefs to be substantially represented in public office? Are there many avowed non-Christians in the US legislature? According to my research, there's a smattering of Jewish-American politicians, and the first avowedly atheist congressman appeared in 2007, and a Muslim congressman was elected in 2006.

Does freedom of religion require equity in representation? One might imagine so. But one atheist in over two hundred years of statehood?
secular.org said:
"If the number of nontheists in Congress reflected the percentage of nontheists in the population," Lori Lipman Brown, director of the Secular Coalition, observes, "there would be 53-54 nontheistic Congress members instead of one."
CNN said:
CNN's Beck to first-ever Muslim congressman: "[W]hat I feel like saying is, 'Sir, prove to me that you are not working with our enemies' "
Apparently in the eyes of some portions of the media, non-Christian nationhood is presumed incompatible with state loyalty -- much the same as Reagan argued. So the idea of the US -- 'the Leader of the Free World' -- as a Christian nation-state is still going strong into the 21st century.

Back to your point, Higgins: I don't think that culture is crumbling to bits at all -- families still build culture, friends still build common culture, forums like AW help build common culture, religions do and apparently pop-star funerals do too. What I think is under challenge though is nation-statehood -- the idea that state citizenship is national identity.

I think that there has been a tension between the wording of freedom of religion as state legislation (not just in the US but elsewhere) and national interpretations of what that means. That tension may be growing as national identities grow more complicated and national representation grows more diverse. In my own country of Australia I think we've about given up on nation-statehood defined by religion or ethnicity; the US seems to no longer believe in nation-statehood defined by ethnicity, and now seems to be increasingly tested on nation-statehood defined by religion.

And depending on the results of that test, the interpretation -- or perhaps even the wording? -- of US freedom of religion legislation may change.
 
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AMCrenshaw

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Meanwhile, if your view were correct then wouldn't that render the religious slogan on US currency unconstitutional?

Yes. Not to mention the volunteer Put Your Hand On The Bible in courts-- yes, even or especially the supreme ones. Correct me if I'm wrong about that, anyone. Not to mention the Pledge of Allegiance every morning in however many public schools.

But that doesn't comment on the law itself so much as the government's lack of adherence to it. Who complains though? Enough people for In God We Trust to be taken off our currency or for the ten commandments to be extracted from plaques in court houses? Not yet, despite the fact it's essentially unconstitutional.

AMC
 

Ruv Draba

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Even if the USA were viewed as a Christian nation-state, I don't much mind. I'm not a Christian and I don't live there, though I feel sympathy for whatever citizens might be alienated by that arrangement. For reasons of interest I just finished reading the Iranian constitution. Readers might be interested to know that it enshrines many of the same sorts of freedoms you find in modern Western constitutions: freedom of expression, of assembly, religion, association and the press. But it does so within a religious context and I think that makes it a very different proposition.

Time and again the freedoms are qualified with the term 'within the criteria of Islam'. In other words, you are free to express whatever you want, be whoever you want -- as long as it doesn't unstick the designated favoured nation from the notion of statehood. That's my present understanding of the US intention too -- though the Iranian constitution is very blunt about it. Candid even, with few weasel words. It is set up to look after Iranians in a state of fixed boundaries with no expansionist ambitions but overtly supporting the propagation of its favoured religion, and offering some tolerance for other religions of The Book, but no guarantees for anyone else; a strong isolationist policy rejecting external influences and if you don't like it, don't visit. It's clean, simple, unambiguous. Eminently attractive if you're of that nation and favour the nation's values.

If you replaced Islam with Christianity, is not that much the same sort of view espoused by Reagan in his quote? We are who we are. If you don't like it, don't visit.

Does expressing freedom of religion within the vision of a religiously-defined nation-state change its interpretation? The example of Iran certainly shows that it does. The example of the USA perhaps indicates that it does too -- even if the intentions aren't explicitly articulated.

What then does it mean in a multinational, United Nations context? I'm still trying to understand.
 
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Higgins

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I don't know whether I'm reasonably educated (I'm certainly educated, but were they reasonable about it?) but I don't believe that culture has crumbled to bits, except maybe among 'militant' postmodernists (whom I see as a funny little subculture of their own :D).

Back to your point, Higgins: I don't think that culture is crumbling to bits at all -- families still build culture, friends still build common culture, forums like AW help build common culture, religions do and apparently pop-star funerals do too. What I think is under challenge though is nation-statehood -- the idea that state citizenship is national identity.

Modern States and nations are very recent conventions compared to cultural behaviors. When I say culture is crumbly (and always has been) I mean that the multitude of "subcultures" (ie more or less cultures in the cultural sense) don't align at all with the state or nations or anything subject to rules and laws. As a militant post-modernist I think nearly any set of subcultural signs and symbols and messages has more power over an individual's behavior than any amount of ideology or state organization or terrorists or nationalisms or the religious police. You can see this in Iran where the Bajjis have to beat up students even though it just makes more trouble and the students have to use twitter to "fight" even though a few hundred car bombs would work better. In Iran "subcultures" are in conflict and the official religious culture can't do much about it except figure out who to shoot and even then the Bajjis make a mess of any coherent religious policy.
The few places where subcultures meet (such as MJ's funeral or AWWC or scientific projects) are relatively rare and interesting.
 

Ruv Draba

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Modern States and nations are very recent conventions compared to cultural behaviors.
The Republic model of the US and France is around 2700 years old. The colonial model underpinning my own country's legislature has been around in one form or another for perhaps a shade longer. The fuzziness of nations must've been around longer still though, judging by the social challenges facing the empires of Egypt, and subsequently Greece and Rome. The longer I look at this stuff the more I question how much of a 'modern' state is actually new.

As a militant post-modernist I think nearly any set of subcultural signs and symbols and messages has more power over an individual's behavior than any amount of ideology or state organization or terrorists or nationalisms or the religious police.
As a non-militant neomodernist (is that even a real term?) I think you're right. There seems to be what we write in our legislation and there seems to be what we do, and our words clearly don't lead our deeds all that much, and sometimes not at all.
You can see this in Iran where the Bajjis have to beat up students even though it just makes more trouble and the students have to use twitter to "fight" even though a few hundred car bombs would work better.
It's easy to pick on Iran, but also unfair. Iran is just doing explicitly what France, the UK and the US have tried to do implicitly at various times, and unquestionably my own country has too, through policy if not founding legislation.

Iran's religious nation-state constitution is only 30 years old. When my country's constitution was 30 years old we were still committing genocide, and our non-white, non-Christian population (including Indigenous Australians, Chinese, Afghans and Pacific islanders imported for their labour) wasn't allowed to vote, and some weren't even allowed to marry. We did that without ever actually saying in our Constitution that we wanted to be an isolationist, genocidal monocultural nation-state. (Clever, weren't we?)

Iran isn't doing anything that Australia wasn't doing within living memory. Iran's persecution of the Bahá'í faith has echoes in my own nation's persecution of the aforementioned ethnicities, and which in local cases continues today.

Back to my earlier question: does any nation really want freedom of religion? Or only freedom within certain (often implicit) political parameters that preserve a dominant nation's control?
 
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citymouse

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I am absolutely opposed to mixing government and religion in any form.

That said, the other day I was listening to a coronation anthem by GF Handel To me, these words express what I hope any leader would aspire to. And of course they were sung in a cathedral glittering with crowned and mitered heads.

Let thy hand be strengthened and thy right hand be exalted. Let justice and judgment be the preparation of thy seat! Let mercy and truth go before thy face.


Can't beat that with a stick!
C
 

Higgins

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The Republic model of the US and France is around 2700 years old.

What? Are you counting from the foundation of Rome?
They had Etruscan Kings for the first 200 years (right?)...I think that is a bit different from a modern state based on universal sufferage (and French women only got the right to vote after WWII)? The modern state based on theoretically universial citizenship has only been around since 1920 in the US (when women could vote) or the Fourth Republic in France (after 1944).You could argue that the US didn't manage to approach Etruscan levels of Republican virtue until the Voting rights act of 1964.
No, I'm pretty sure we are making this all up as we go along. There is no model for the stresses and strains of the world as it is: overpopulated, with resources falling fast and the environment falling apart in all kinds of ways. But, in fact all the models for every society there has ever been were flawed. The blood of Mayan kings did not really let them communicate with their ancestors, but some Mayan Kingdoms ran for a few hundred years while conforming to that assumption.

So what does that mean? That insanely flawed social models can produce societies that are relatively functional? It means that fortunately cultures and societies are not the regimented entities that we think they are, that norms and ideologies don't actually determine very much behavior. That the end of the world can happen without even being noticed until it is too late.
 

Shadow_Ferret

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I think that's most accurate. The idea being that the state could never legally endorse a specific religion that would demand worship from the entire nation. Freedom from.

AMC
Um, again, if you're going to use that phrasing, continue it with freedome from "a state-sanctioned" religion.

Which is essentially freedom of choice in religion.

I don't believe the forefathers, the majority all men of god, meant freedom from ALL religion, they we talking about having the freedom to choose how you worship.
 

Higgins

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The longer I look at this stuff the more I question how much of a 'modern' state is actually new.

The state is not particularly new in the sense that there have been powerful elites backed by religious convention and armies and taxes and wars and temples and bureaucracies and human sacrifice for thousands of years. The idea that the state has some practical responsibility for the well-being of its inhabitants is a more recent idea. At some point having the Divine state order ensure the fertility of the planet began to seem a bit far-fetched and you began to have light infantry and conscription and column tactics and the practicality of Prince Henry of Prussia versus the pompous evil of Voltaire and Frederick the Great. Eventually the civil light of Teddy Roosevelt comes unto mankind and the state becomes somewhat modern.
 

Higgins

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Um, again, if you're going to use that phrasing, continue it with freedome from "a state-sanctioned" religion.

Which is essentially freedom of choice in religion.

I don't believe the forefathers, the majority all men of god, meant freedom from ALL religion, they we talking about having the freedom to choose how you worship.

But notice that this works in reverse as well: a state that doesn't push some religion becomes de-sacralized state. Up until the US Constitution, the state was part of a Divine order that guaranteed the coherence of the cosmos. Pull out that sacred aspect and the next thing you know you have birth control and an ever-increasing decrease in the size of harems and so on.
 

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If you remove religion as a state function, the state is no longer part of a Divine Cosmic Order and eventually women will be voting.

In the past religion was a state function. As women participate more in altering the social world (eg. in Iran), the Divine Cosmic order has to send vigilante's to beat them up. I think this sort of backfires. for example in Iran women can be beaten for wearing the wrong scarves...so they are used to be assaulted for religious reasons in the streets so they are pretty good at standing up to the Divine Cosmic order. Which eventually has to just shoot them. And then the women will come back with car bombs and the Divine Cosmic order will go away.
 
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Higgins

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Back to my earlier question: does any nation really want freedom of religion? Or only freedom within certain (often implicit) political parameters that preserve a dominant nation's control?

Obviously complete religious freedom is absolutely impossible. No state on earth today would allow Aztec Sun priests to errect gigantic pyramids and do thousands of human sacrifices a year. Okay North Korea might threaten to do that, but even they might not be able to feed the sacrifices long enough to make them acceptable to the Sun Priests. Remember! The sacrificed individual represents a god and has to be well-fed and prefereably sexually satiated, drunk and on mildly pleasant hallucinagens. Not that any god would ever be like that at any time. Unless he just wanted to. For some reason in North Korea. Seems unlikely. Like I said.
 
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Ruv Draba

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What? Are you counting from the foundation of Rome?
I counted from the first Greek city-states, which also held a republic-style model, circa 700BCE.
I'm pretty sure we are making this all up as we go along. There is no model for the stresses and strains of the world as it is: overpopulated, with resources falling fast and the environment falling apart in all kinds of ways.
Certainly, historical states have suffered such things in the past -- it destroyed some of them. I need to find the references, but there are the archaeological ruins of an early agrarian city that died by environmental degradation -- deforestation resulted in loss of wood for fuel and construction; over-hunting meant loss of protein-sources; skeletal-pitting showed calcium depletion from relying too much on grain for food. After hundreds of years of thriving, the surviving population just left. Wish I could recall its name.

It means that fortunately cultures and societies are not the regimented entities that we think they are, that norms and ideologies don't actually determine very much behavior. That the end of the world can happen without even being noticed until it is too late.
For some, it clearly did. We certainly have examples from which to build models to understand how states fragment under strain, how populations sleepwalk into environmental problems and how they react when they finally realise that problems aren't going away.

The slogan "The economy, stupid" was coined for Bill Clinton's 1992 campaign for presidency, but it's had resonance well beyond his term. Stability of statehood seems to rest on the economy much of the time and the economy in turn rests on other things like environmental security, justice, domestic and foreign security and also feeds those things to some degree.

I believe that religious freedoms tend to grow in expanding economies simply because they must. More trade and a demand for more labour causes a state to reach beyond its traditional national composition for trading partners to swell its coffers, and immigrants to swell its workforce. In doing so, it has to make concessions to accommodate its changing population and the tastes of the other nations it begins to call its friends. Expanding economies create pluralism; Pluralism creates demand for religious freedoms.

What's interesting to me for the purpose of this discussion is that despite having constitutions that enshrine religious freedoms it seems that many states around the world aren't actually ready to honour them. We can tell because of how much difficulty they're having with pluralism. My reading of it is that the nations comprising the political strength in those states really don't want pluralism in the first place.

Your point I think Higgins is that in the long run, nation is stronger than state (though still weaker than economic or environmental necessities). I suspect that may be true.

So does that make the ideal of religious freedom outmoded? Arguably, nations don't want it and arguably what most states want is simply a stable society with abundant labour and stable trading partners -- because It's the Economy, Stupid. Is the present formulation of the right to religious freedom simply too strong to be met in more than lip-service in most places?

It seems to me that most of the Islamic nations have already voted explicitly on this -- they'll be tolerant as long as Islam is in charge and not brought into disrepute. Many of the Christian nation-states have voted with their deeds more than their words for centuries: they'll be tolerant as long as Christianianity (or the preferred Christian sect) is dominant. I'm still researching Israel's approach (that state doesn't have a constitution, so it means poking into specific laws and customs), but I think that its history and foreign policy are indicators.

In the developed and developing Asian nations ethnicity often seems to count more than religion, but of course religion ties closely to ethnicity anyway. In my personal experience, Japan is tolerant of foreign religious curios as long as the Japanese (and not the resident Koreans or Chinese or the smattering of remaining Ainu) are in charge -- an issue which has never come into question because of its isolationism. Reports from Taiwan indicate a high level of religious tolerance there, but I haven't looked into it much yet. Mainland China has both issues of ethnicity and religious tolerance to manage. India seeks religious tolerance (actually desperately needs it for economic and social stability), but seems to be still struggling to find a social model in which religious and ethnic tolerance work. In my experience of South-east Asia (mainly Thailand and Cambodia and Singapore) the questions are more ethnic than religious, and they're not resolved.

In my experience of Australia and Canada, religious tolerance is effected by a sort of apathetic indifference to religion in the first place; our concerns seem mainly to be ones of ethnic tolerance.

States like France and Turkey seem to be trying to find the balance between secular government and religious nationhood, but I don't imagine either would say that they're close to finding it. Russia and most of the former USSR have both ethnic and religious contention that shows little sign of resolving. Most of Scandanavia (or the bits I've looked into) have a dominant religion that sees no sign of changing, and might well ask what the problem is in the first place. :)

I don't know too much about South America, but I understand that Pope Alexander VI sorted out its religious profile back in the 15th century, and it hasn't greatly changed since.

So my question remains: religious tolerance? Really? Says who? Sure, the states all talk about it -- they have to, to accommodate their economic needs. But which nations really want it? And if the major nations of the world don't want it, how can states give it anything more than lip-service?
 
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Ruv Draba

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Obviously complete religious freedom is absolutely impossible.
Or put another way, every state has to place some secular rights above religious rights -- such as the right to life. And multilateral assemblies of states like the UN have to do so too.

But the balance of secular and religious rights is exactly the question. Iran's constitution makes it very clear where that balance lies. To my eyes at least, the US constitution doesn't. And moreover, custom and legislation seem to be at odds.

I mention the US because it's a familiar example, but not because it's peculiar -- the UK has freedom of religion too, but the head of state is also the head of the sanctioned church. How does that lead to equity? Here's Clinton Bennet from Oxford University commenting on it:
A government publication, Aspects of Britain: Religion (1992) claims that “Britain has a long history of religious tolerance” (p 3). I think that this tolerance is comparatively new. This same publication understates the degree to which the established church in England, the Church of England, enjoys privileges, which not even the established church of Scotland enjoys.

[...]
The Bishop of Birmingham, speaking in the Lords, has recently stated,

We are concerned not for privileges but for the protection of conscience, a proper pluralism in our society and the proper integrity and autonomy of the churches and other religious traditions in this country.

Equity in conscience then, but not privilege. Or put another way, the Anglicans will be tolerant while the Anglicans can stay in charge. Bennet then goes on to acknowledge that the Anglicans are quite tolerant, though they're not willing to yield or share their privilege.
 
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