Primer on Medieval Military History - The Late Middle Ages

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Selimthegrim

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The late period is effectively 1302 - whenever you think the middle ages ended. I tend to think the middle ages ended in 1667 with the Scottish enlightenment, but that's just me. However, to make this primer coherent, I'll pick 1525 and the battle of Pavia as my end date, as it is the triumph of firearms over melee weapons. (In the West. In the East they used firearms to great effect earlier).

Equipment:

The later period is the time when the most radical changes began to take hold in arms and armor. To begin with, I'll discuss the change from mail armor to plate armor.

In the 14th century, plate armor began to take precedence over mail. As I mentioned in the High Middle Ages primer, the coat of plates showed up, helping to protect against lance thrusts. To the coat of plates, knights began adding knee plates and elbow plates to protect their joints. These are like the metal version of the kneepads and elbowpads your mom made you wear when you went rollerblading back in the early 90s. To this, the knights began to add more pieces of plate armor. They put on shin guards, plates to protect the upper arms, gorgets (throat plates), and breastplates. By about 1350, the knight was now what we imagine him - encased in plate armor.

The helmets of the period varied radically depending on the exact time and location. However, they generally had a single hammered out piece to protect the whole head, with a visor to protect the face. The visor could generally be lifted to give the knight a better view of the battlefield.

The new plate armor spawned a whole host of new weapons. It was impossible to cut through the plates with a sword, so cutting swords rapidly fell out of favor. They were replaced by one and two-handed swords with needle sharp points and thick diamond cross-sections to increase rigidity. The swords were used to poke through the chinks in the armor, thrusting through the mail in the vulnerable joints - the armpits, groin, etc.

The poll ax came into being as well. It was a popular knightly weapon, about 5 to 7 feet long, which consisted of a hammer or ax, with a crow's beak (kind of like a spike) on the back side, and a tall spike on the top. This way the knight could thrust through the gaps in the plate (or sometimes through the plate) with the spike, punch through the armor with the crow's beak, or batter his opponent with the hammer or ax part of the weapon. The haft of the weapon could also be used to fight, as could the queue, or tail end, which often contained a buttspike.

The war hammer was invented in this period. It usually consisted of a hammer, with a crow's beak or spike on the back. These varied in length from quite short, and used only in one hand, to reasonably long and used in two hands. The shorter variety were generally used on horseback.

The mace was also favored in this period, as it could crush helmets, or rend armor. The flanged mace was particularly popular. It consisted of several pieces of steel, or flanges, welded to a central cylindrical tube. Because the flanges were separate, they could individually punch through armor, but because they were all grouped together, they all added weight and crushing power to the weapon.

The longbow came into being in this period. Really, the longbow had been hanging out in Europe for about 5000 years, but the longbow as we know it, capable of taking out knights, arrived in the mid-14th century. The English dedicated large groups of people to training with the longbow. They became able to wield much heavier bows than normal - up to 140 pound draw weights. (Similar draw weight bows were used in the east). Using these massive bows, they could unleash a shower of arrows to deadly effect. However, there is a LOT of debate over whether or not longbows could pierce plate armor. I personally don't believe that they could on any kind of a regular basis. However, they could pierce mail, they could get into gaps in the knight's armor, or they could hit weak points - like a helmet visor.

Crossbows increased in power as well. New steel prods were developed, along with complicated systems for loading the weapon. While slower than longbows, the crossbows could pack more punch, and they took much less time to learn how to use effectively.

Gunpowder is another important innovation at this time. Most people don't realize that one of the things Joan of Arc was greatly admired for amongst the French was her skill with artillery. By the middle of the 15th century, cannon were quite common in sieges, and men were beginning to use primitive guns on the battlefield. By 1525, the end of this period for me, the matchlock musket had come into use, capable of piercing right through knightly armor.

Tactics:

The major tactical development in this period is the death of the knightly charge on horseback. It is somewhat ironic that the stereotypical knight in shining armor probably did most of his fighting on foot. Horses could be killed or maimed easily, and the knew missile weapons could stop a charge. This was shown again and again in the hundred years' war. By the time of the war of the roses, the knights fought entirely on foot.

Another tactical change is the impact of gunpowder on warfare. A few historical cases will highlight what I'm talking about.

Siege of Constantinople, 1453: In 1453, Fatih Sultan Mehmet, the Ottoman Sultan, attacked Constantinople. He laid siege, and he brought up huge artillery pieces. For days he battered the city walls, before finally making a series of assaults that resulted in the capture of the city. The cannon were able to obliterate huge sections of wall, and that was a major change from the past, where sieges could not be easily resolved militarily. It brought about changes in the way city defenses were designed.

The Hussite Wars: The hussites were a group of Bohemian heretics who developed a technique for fighting where men were placed inside specially designed wagons. The men were armed with heavy crossbows and primitive guns. The wagons resisted cavalry attacks, provided protection against enemy missiles, and allowed them to shoot at the enemy at will. The wagons were protected by other hussites carrying spears and halberds. This tactic helped them to, time and again, beat superior forces with their firearms.

Battle of Pavia, 1525: In this battle, musketeers, protected by pikemen, completely devastated French heavy cavalry. The victory signaled the end of knightly combat, and the beginning of the period of warfare we know of as "early modern."
 

l_clausewitz

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The new plate armor spawned a whole host of new weapons. It was impossible to cut through the plates with a sword, so cutting swords rapidly fell out of favor. They were replaced by one and two-handed swords with needle sharp points and thick diamond cross-sections to increase rigidity. The swords were used to poke through the chinks in the armor, thrusting through the mail in the vulnerable joints - the armpits, groin, etc.

Still, most swords retained a decent cutting capability since not every combatant in a medieval battle, skirmish, or siege was a fully-armored man-at-arms. There were also plenty of people like longbowmen, billmen, and crossbowmen who had far less than complete armor, and against these people cutting swords were still quite an effective weapon.


They became able to wield much heavier bows than normal - up to 140 pound draw weights.

Up to 180 pounds, actually, if we stand by the evidence collected from teh Mary Rose, although most of the bows fell within the 100-120 pounds range. And I wouldn't be surprised at the higher draw weight because English longbows were actually less efficient than the composite bows of the East.


Using these massive bows, they could unleash a shower of arrows to deadly effect. However, there is a LOT of debate over whether or not longbows could pierce plate armor. I personally don't believe that they could on any kind of a regular basis. However, they could pierce mail, they could get into gaps in the knight's armor, or they could hit weak points - like a helmet visor.

Quite so--I don't think that the longbow, even with heavy bodkin arrowheads, could penetrate plate armor reliably enough. Recent tests have proved that it could penetrate deeply at a (very short) range of around ten meters, but when your enemy is that close then he had a good chance of reaching you with a swift charge before you could shoot him.

The greatest impact of the longbowmen's arrow shower was to the enemy's morale. An arrow barrage could have two possible effects: one was to force the enemy to hunker down and advance at a painfully slow crawl, the other was to provoke the enemy into charging headlong without regard to formation in the hopes of coming into hand-to-hand contact as soon as possible. Either way, the enemy would be at a disadvantage in hand-to-hand combat--and English longbowmen were most clearly not reluctant to go hand-to-hand. I wrote a bit about this under the (rather tongue-in-cheek) title of "English Longbowmen = Big Nasty Men" here: http://l-clausewitz.livejournal.com/215909.html


By the middle of the 15th century, cannon were quite common in sieges

Early 15th century, actually. I rarely see an account of a 15th-century siege, no matter how early, that didn't employ gunpowder. Most of those that didn't were cases where the attackers took the fortification by treachery or surprise--that is, almost without a fight.


The major tactical development in this period is the death of the knightly charge on horseback.

Most definitely not! Men-at-arms had always had a double role of fighting on foot and on horseback, and this didn't change in the laste medieval period. The only change was in the relative frequency of fighting on foot and on horseback. Even then, by the end of the 15th century most men-at-arms ended up fighting almost entirely on horseback because their heavy infantry role had been so effectively supplanted by the Swiss and Landsknechts. Another important reason is because plate armor for horses became more widely available, giving the horses much better protection against both accidental and intentional injuries on the battlefield.


By the time of the war of the roses, the knights fought entirely on foot.

English men-at-arms. By the time of the Wars of the Roses, the French and Burgundian men-at-arms were well on the way to becoming a primarily mounted force once again. The Germans were another matter--during one incident in the late 15th century, the French got very upset at their German mercenary men-at-arms because these mercenaries refused to fight on foot. Of course, this is not true of all Germans, since the future Emperor Maximilian fought dismounted along with most of his guard in a battle against the French (I think it's the battle of Dornach, sometime in the 1470s).


The Hussite Wars: The hussites were a group of Bohemian heretics who developed a technique for fighting where men were placed inside specially designed wagons.

Matt Haywood has a good overview of Hussite tactics here: http://www.warfareeast.co.uk/main/Warwagons.htm and here: http://www.warfareeast.co.uk/main/Hussite_Tactics_and_Organisation.htm


Battle of Pavia, 1525: In this battle, musketeers, protected by pikemen, completely devastated French heavy cavalry. The victory signaled the end of knightly combat, and the beginning of the period of warfare we know of as "early modern."


The beginning of early modern warfare? True enough to some extent, and I won't dispute this point since just about every military historian has his/her personal opinion of where the cut-off point between medieval and Renaissance/early modern warfare should be.

It would be manifestly untrue to say that Pavia signaled "the end of knightly combat," however. The changes that happened in the 15th and 16th centuries were evolutionary rather than revolutionary in nature, although this evolution did progress at a faster rate than in earlier centuries. Even if we talk strictly about cavalry warfare, the golden age of European cavalry was actually the early Renaissance, not the late Middle Ages. Look at the French gendarmes (men-at-arms) who cut their way clean through a Landsknecht pike square at the Battle of Ravenna (1512), and again at the Battle of Ceresole (1544)--their medieval predecessors would have considered these feats foolish and suicidal!

Some later 16th-century battles were also won primarily by cavalry, notably the battles of Arques (1589) and Ivry (1590) under Henry IV of France. Even in the 17th century, the Swedes could not have won the Battle of Breitenfeld (1631) without their cavalry, and many of the decisive battles in the English Civil War were decided by the cavalry engagements on the wings and flanks. At the battle of Rossbach (1757), the Prussian heavy cavalry charged back and forth through the head of the French marching column, winning the battle with only minimal aid from the Prussian infantry.

So, while the late 15th and early 16th centuries witnessed many important developments in tactical thought and practice, it would be naive to peg it as a "Military Revolution" that cut off all ties with previous military practice.


I've also written a response to the High Medieval warfare thread, but a power outage ate practically all of what I had written there. I'll try to approach the subject later when I'm no longer incensed at that loss.
 

Selimthegrim

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Thanks Clausewitz.

Swords: Decent cutting capacity is questionable. Of the type XV's I've handled, few of them are really very good at cutting. Type XVI's are certainly better. Type XVII's aren't very good at all. Type XVIII's are good at cutting I would say. So, it really depends on the sword in question. However, there is a clear shift in medieval sword design from the cut to the thrust throughout the period, and I was trying to speak in general terms for a broad audience without bogging them down in sword typologies.

Longbows: 180 pounds is very rare, but I'll cede it to you, as there are 1 or 2 examples from the Mary Rose. The more typical weights actually range from 80-120 pounds. As far as the efficiency versus composite bows, that's a complicated question. Yew is, in itself a composite material, because of the wildly different properties of the heartwood and sapwood. But, generally speaking, the composite bows probably did have better cast than all but the best longbows.

I don't think the biggest effect of the longbow was morale. As you mentioned earlier, there were plenty of people on the battlefield with less armor. Also, the horses were in many cases not heavily armored enough to withstand a longbow barrage. That's why you see the French shifting to fighting on foot at the end of the hundred years' war. Well, one reason amongst many perhaps.

Cannon:

Yeah, there was quite a bit of artillery going around even by 1428. I should have said first half of the 15th century.

Knights:

You picked some interesting selections, but I think that it's hard to dispute that the rise of pike and shot displaced the knights as we know them in the middle ages. Certainly men on horses with lances persisted - even through to Napoleonic times. And we know that in the Tudor period, men were still holding jousts, wearing full armor, and the like. However, that doesn't mean that the knight wasn't fading as a battlefield force.

Men at arms:

Yes, English and Burgundian men at arms. The burgundians were still fighting with a modified English system by about 1500.
 

l_clausewitz

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The problem is that the "knights" had never been dominant anyway, at least if by that we mean lance-armed, heavily armored horsemen. Medieval knights and men-at-arms were formidable not because of their mounted charge, but because of their versatility as a mutirole force capable of acting as either heavy cavalry, light cavalry, or heavy infantry as the situation demanded. That's why they took so damned long to train, and why they were so expensive regardless of whatever method you choose for measuring the costs of their deployment.

Now, about longbows and less-than-completely-armored people: the effect upon them would still be largely a morale effect. Ewart Oakeshott mentioned something in his book about hearing a personal testimony from a British soldier of the colonial era to the effect that bullets might be more deadly but arrows were scarier and were more likely to force a soldier to take cover. And then, not all arrow-wounds would have been lethal; a soldier seeing a friend wounded (but not too badly so) by an arrow stood a goodly chance of excusing himself from the battle by claiming the task of bringing that wounded friend back to safety. Last but not least, it is a truism in both ancient and modern tactical thought that every factor on the battlefield works by affecting the soldiers' morale.

If you read the primary accounts of the battles where the longbowmen took part, the archers and their arrows weren't actually as prominent as modern mythology has made them. Nowhere did they "mow down vast hordes of snobbish French knights with impunity." At Crecy they were unable to prevent the French fro mmaking hand-to-hand contact with the English line; at Poitiers they shot down two tiny, vastly outnumbered contingents of French horse but then charged into hand-to-hand combat with the major French battles, which fought on foot; at Agincourt they only loosed a few volleys before they took up their swords, axes, and mallets to join the ferocious charge (or countercharge, depending on how you see it) launched by their men-at-arms. At Verneuil, a mounted charge by Lombard men-at-arms actually broke their formation and routed them in one fell swoop. Their commander got so incensed at their cowardly behavior that he beheaded 300 of these archers after the battle.
 
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Selimthegrim

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Well, nowhere did I say the archers were in any way capable of mowing down vast swathes of men. In fact, I think the case for them being the "machine gun of the middle ages" is overstated at best and fabrication at worst. However, to say they were completely ineffective is wrong too. The fact is, they would not have been employed in such proportionally large numbers if they simply hurt enemy moral rather than enemy soldiers.

I've read the period sources, and I think you need to take into account who wrote them and for whom. The sources were written by and for the nobility, or by the clergy who served the nobility, for the most part. Therefore, their focus is on the knights and the men at arms, and the upper echelons of the military. Their emphasis is not on the common archer. Moreover, reading multiple sources of battles - like the sources for the battle of Bouvines, highlights just how difficult it can be to make any sense of a medieval battle from the available source material. Many times, though I hesitate to say most, the sources simply do not give a very good account of the overall view of the battle. It certainly isn't easy to go from medieval sources to the neat rectangles and arrows of military history maps.
 

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The problem is that the "knights" had never been dominant anyway, at least if by that we mean lance-armed, heavily armored horsemen. Medieval knights and men-at-arms were formidable not because of their mounted charge, but because of their versatility as a mutirole force capable of acting as either heavy cavalry, light cavalry, or heavy infantry as the situation demanded. That's why they took so damned long to train, and why they were so expensive regardless of whatever method you choose for measuring the costs of their deployment.

Now, about longbows and less-than-completely-armored people: the effect upon them would still be largely a morale effect. Ewart Oakeshott mentioned something in his book about hearing a personal testimony from a British soldier of the colonial era to the effect that bullets might be more deadly but arrows were scarier and were more likely to force a soldier to take cover. And then, not all arrow-wounds would have been lethal; a soldier seeing a friend wounded (but not too badly so) by an arrow stood a goodly chance of excusing himself from the battle by claiming the task of bringing that wounded friend back to safety. Last but not least, it is a truism in both ancient and modern tactical thought that every factor on the battlefield works by affecting the soldiers' morale.

If you read the primary accounts of the battles where the longbowmen took part, the archers and their arrows weren't actually as prominent as modern mythology has made them. Nowhere did they "mow down vast hordes of snobbish French knights with impunity." At Crecy they were unable to prevent the French fro mmaking hand-to-hand contact with the English line; at Poitiers they shot down two tiny, vastly outnumbered contingents of French horse but then charged into hand-to-hand combat with the major French battles, which fought on foot; at Agincourt they only loosed a few volleys before they took up their swords, axes, and mallets to join the ferocious charge (or countercharge, depending on how you see it) launched by their men-at-arms. At Verneuil, a mounted charge by Lombard men-at-arms actually broke their formation and routed them in one fell swoop. Their commander got so incensed at their cowardly behavior that he beheaded 300 of these archers after the battle.

And yet it was the longbow that defeated William Wallace at Falkirk, and exposed the inherent weakness of his phalanx-style defense.
 

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Since this is directed at fantasy authors, I'd just like to chime in about specific details about longbows, since I used to own one.

No one carries them around strung, unless they're actively firing at things. The reason mine broke is because someone I loaned it to did this.

They are very silent weapons; the twang sound that would betray the location of an archer could easily vanish beneath the sound of mild conversation.

They can't pierce breastplate, (except at point-blank range, even then, not always) despite common belief, but they can punch through chain mesh at close distances.

Most arrows have three feathers--one coloured differently. This is the cock feather, and always faces away from the bow itself.

Arrows are also a pain in the ass to make; Archers frequently retrieved their arrows out of the ground, their victims, etc.

The weapon is not fired by pinching the string, but rather by pulling it back, just below the nocked arrow, with the middle, ring, and pinky finger. Some archers use their index finger to brace the arrow, other's don't. I have no idea which mode is bad form.
 

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In some places. The Japanese did--and still do--fire it exactly the way you say it isn't done.

No, they didn't, and no they don't. The Japanese use a thumb release, which isn't the same thing as pinching the string, in fact it doesn't even really resemble it. They use a special glove, vaguely resembling the kote in kendo, but with a hardened groove inside the thumb to hook the string. It's a variation on the thumb ring, and Japan is one of the few places to use a thumb release without a thumb ring. China, Korea, Mongolia, India, and the middle east all used thumb rings.
 

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"However, there is a clear shift in medieval sword design from the cut to the thrust throughout the period"

Not in all cases. For example, those gigantic renaissance-y two-handers. More for foot soldiers, though.
 

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The Japanese use a thumb release, which isn't the same thing as pinching the string, in fact it doesn't even really resemble it.

You're absolutely right.

This description is still not what Bartholomew described.

But since he did qualify his statement by specifically mentioning the long bow, we can assume that it doesn't apply to a daikyu in any case. Or a hankyu, or any other variation.
 

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And yet it was the longbow that defeated William Wallace at Falkirk, and exposed the inherent weakness of his phalanx-style defense.

No. It was the combination of archery and mounted charges. Moreover, the defensive use of the schiltrons at Falkirk actually turned out to be the wrong way to use it--at both Stirling Bridge and Bannockburn, where the Scots won over the English, they used their spear/pike formations offensively.


They are very silent weapons; the twang sound that would betray the location of an archer could easily vanish beneath the sound of mild conversation.

It depends; an inexperienced archer with a clumsy release can make a quite a lot of noise.


Most arrows have three feathers--one coloured differently. This is the cock feather, and always faces away from the bow itself.

The cock feather wasn't (and isn't) always colored differently. Anyway, an experienced archer wouldn't have had any difficulties telling the cock feathers apart from the hen feathers because the difference is so obvious on a three-feather arrow.

Some Eastern arrows were fletched with four feathers to ease the job of nocking them the right way around (because there are two right ways to nock a four-feather arrow instead of one), but I don't know whether the English also practiced this or not.


Arrows are also a pain in the ass to make; Archers frequently retrieved their arrows out of the ground, their victims, etc.

Very true. We have numerous eyewitness accounts of archers collecting arrows from the ground at the end of a battle--or during a lull in the middle of it.


The weapon is not fired by pinching the string, but rather by pulling it back, just below the nocked arrow, with the middle, ring, and pinky finger. Some archers use their index finger to brace the arrow, other's don't. I have no idea which mode is bad form.

As I recall, bracing the arrow with the bow hand's index finger is the one more usually considered bad form, since it doesn't quite give the same tactile sensations that we use to anchor the draw with the metal of the arrowhead just touching our knuckle. Not to mention that it can interfere with the smooth working of the archer's paradox.

About drawing/release methods: it's not always three fingers below. We have evidence for a variety of methods, including the Mediterranean/three-finger split (index finger above the arrow, middle and ring fingers below), the two-finger split (index above and middle below), and the two below (just the middle and ring fingers). That's just for European bows. The Eurasian thumb draw also has several variations with rather subtler differences between them, mostly in the positioning of the three fingers not used in the draw (middle, ring, and little) and the details of how the index finger is supposed to aid the thumb. For a quick look at the Mongolian thumb draw, go visit http://www.atarn.org/FAQ/thumbring.htm

It is true that Eurasian and European bows are not meant to be used with the pinch draw, but there is one major culture region where we do have evidence for the pinch draw being used in both war and hunting--Native America. Of course, native American bows are not quite as strong as European or Eurasian war bows, and this might have been an important factor in the continuing survival of the pinch draw there. The Native American pinch draw does the job by pinching the butt of the arrow with the thumb and the index finger, sometimes with the additional support of the middle finger pulling directly on the string.

(BTW, serious archers might laugh at the idea of "firing" the bow--unless somehow the arrow can be fitted with a gunpowder assist device. Pedants will insist that the correct term is "loose" or "shoot." Some say that "loose" is the more general term while "shoot" should be used only when the archer has a specific target in mind (regardless of whether the target is mentioned in the sentence or not), but a look into the history and etymology of both terms shows that their usage was actually quite interchangeable.)
 

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No. It was the combination of archery and mounted charges. Moreover, the defensive use of the schiltrons at Falkirk actually turned out to be the wrong way to use it--at both Stirling Bridge and Bannockburn, where the Scots won over the English, they used their spear/pike formations offensively.

It depends; an inexperienced archer with a clumsy release can make a quite a lot of noise.

The cock feather wasn't (and isn't) always colored differently. Anyway, an experienced archer wouldn't have had any difficulties telling the cock feathers apart from the hen feathers because the difference is so obvious on a three-feather arrow.

Some Eastern arrows were fletched with four feathers to ease the job of nocking them the right way around (because there are two right ways to nock a four-feather arrow instead of one), but I don't know whether the English also practiced this or not.

Very true. We have numerous eyewitness accounts of archers collecting arrows from the ground at the end of a battle--or during a lull in the middle of it.

As I recall, bracing the arrow with the bow hand's index finger is the one more usually considered bad form, since it doesn't quite give the same tactile sensations that we use to anchor the draw with the metal of the arrowhead just touching our knuckle. Not to mention that it can interfere with the smooth working of the archer's paradox.

About drawing/release methods: it's not always three fingers below. We have evidence for a variety of methods, including the Mediterranean/three-finger split (index finger above the arrow, middle and ring fingers below), the two-finger split (index above and middle below), and the two below (just the middle and ring fingers). That's just for European bows. The Eurasian thumb draw also has several variations with rather subtler differences between them, mostly in the positioning of the three fingers not used in the draw (middle, ring, and little) and the details of how the index finger is supposed to aid the thumb. For a quick look at the Mongolian thumb draw, go visit http://www.atarn.org/FAQ/thumbring.htm

It is true that Eurasian and European bows are not meant to be used with the pinch draw, but there is one major culture region where we do have evidence for the pinch draw being used in both war and hunting--Native America. Of course, native American bows are not quite as strong as European or Eurasian war bows, and this might have been an important factor in the continuing survival of the pinch draw there. The Native American pinch draw does the job by pinching the butt of the arrow with the thumb and the index finger, sometimes with the additional support of the middle finger pulling directly on the string.

(BTW, serious archers might laugh at the idea of "firing" the bow--unless somehow the arrow can be fitted with a gunpowder assist device. Pedants will insist that the correct term is "loose" or "shoot." Some say that "loose" is the more general term while "shoot" should be used only when the archer has a specific target in mind (regardless of whether the target is mentioned in the sentence or not), but a look into the history and etymology of both terms shows that their usage was actually quite interchangeable.)

Very informative post--I have one gripe, though:

I'm an amateur archer. No one has corrected me yet (in person) about using "Fire." As an amateur archer, I see no problem with term, since, in verb form, one of "Fire's" definitions is, "to hurl a projectile." Loose strikes me as a more archaic and clumsy way of expressing the thought.
 

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Well, perhaps you've just never met the kind of people who will be disturbed by the use of the word "fire" in relation to bows and arrows. There are many, many of them out there, mostly in longbow and traditional archery clubs--and it seems that, as late as the 19th century, archers still religiously preserved the distinction between the act of "loosing" a bow or "shooting" an arrow from that of "firing" a firearm. The confusion between "fire" and "loose/shoot" in relation to the bow only seems to have begun after archery ceased to be a popular sport, which was some time in the 20th century.

Not to mention that archaism is a time-honored convention of the fantasy genre. Tolkien never used "fire" when it came to bows and arrows--he consistently used "shoot."
 
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I'm one of those people who winces when someone says "fire an arrow".
I'm an archer and a historical re-enactor, and I always say shoot, or occasionally loose.
Firing refers to early guns.

The dictionary disagrees.
 

dclary

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I dunno... those Websters won a lot of duels back when that sort of thing was allowed...
 

Bartholomew

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The editor of the said dictionary is welcome to settle the issue by trial by combat. I'm sure Evaine, master Clauswitz or myself would be glad to oblige him or her, or, nay, the entire editorial team at one go.

Until that duel is settled, bows can be fired.

Because if I say a bow was shot, it sounds as if the bow as a target.

I shot a bow. - With what, a winchester?

I fired a bow. - Did you hit anything?

I loosed a bow. - How far did it go? Or do you mean you loosed an arrow?
 

l_clausewitz

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Well, honestly, I never heard of anybody shooting or loosing a bow either, but what's the difficulty with changing your frame of reference? You could loose the arrow, that's clear. You could shoot the arrow off, that's clear. But if you want something that uses the bow as a frame of reference, you could also loose the bowstring. All of these sound less artificial than "firing" an arrow or a bow.

And when making no reference whatsoever to the bow or the arrow, we could always say "release."

As I said, Tolkien himself was careful not to use "fire" in an archery context. Lewis didn't either. Nor did other great fantasy names like Lord Dunsany or (to go a bit more modern) George R. R. Martin. It's a very small concession that goes a very long way towards establishing verisimilitude in the story.
 

Evaine

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I'd say that you don't "shoot a bow" - you shoot with a bow.
But then, I'd say you don't shoot a gun, either - you shoot with a gun at a target.
"Firing a gun" sounds fine to me.
"Firing a bow" sounds to me as if you are setting it alight.
 

l_clausewitz

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Hm. Well, I've checked Merriam-Webster's and Encarta dictionaries, and while all of them say that "fire" can mean "to discharge a projectile" or something like that, they always clarify it with something like "as if from a gun." And in none of the examples do I detect anything about them approving of the idea of "firing" a bow. I bet if we take it to their editorial staff they'd say that you can't "fire" a bow unless you're intent on destroying it...
 
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